Post by Wasp on Mar 6, 2008 22:32:14 GMT
Taken from Belfast telegraph
Tuesday, March 04, 2008
Annual conferences are a time for parties to congratulate themselves, but there was no doubting a sense of unease at Sinn Fein's first Ard Fheis since devolution and the setback of last year's Dail election. Hopes of sharing power, north and south, have been thwarted, so concessions had to be made to old guard republicanism.
That is the only explanation for Gerry Adams's announcement of a task force to "drive forward" a new "roadmap to a united Ireland", in the run-up to the centenary of the Easter Rising in 2016. He is tryinh to unite the various republican factions in a common ideal, away from the realities, but it would be surprising if anyone was fooled.
In fact, the dream of a 32-county socialist republic is further away than ever, rejected by the southern electorate and substituted by a power-sharing deal with the DUP, under British rule. Yet Mr Adams feels he has to pretend that " many unionists" now accept that an end to British engagement in Irish affairs "may be no bad thing".
If his reasoning is based on the DUP's participation in north-south council meetings, and all shades of opinion lobbying for the adoption of Ireland's 12.5% corporation tax, he is sadly mistaken. As a DUP spokesman quickly pointed out, unionists have a virtual veto on cross-border arrangements, which must have mutual benefits, and they only argue for tax concessions because of the severity of competition from the Republic.
No-one complains that relations with Dublin are too close, or that the Republic's investment in our roads or peace initiatives should be rejected. Visits by the Irish President, and ministers, have become commonplace, helping to balance unionist and nationalist interests, but this is a long way from saying that a referendum, north or south, would show a significant swing towards Irish unity.
Mr Adams has to be aware of the dissenters in his ranks, openly asking what Sinn Fein has gained, in terms of reducing the British presence, from participating in Stormont devolution. The same powers of persuasion that he used to obtain IRA decommissioning and support for the police are still needed, but he must be wary of raising unionist fears.
The DUP are under the same kind of pressures from their backwoodsmen, critical of the over-friendly Paisley-McGuinness relationship and Sinn Fein's influence on matters like education. There is a delicate balance to be maintained between very different political interests but, in general, it has survived its first testing year.
The real challenge is to come, as big decisions are called for on local government reform, academic selection, Irish language and water tax. Much will depend on whether Ian Paisley can stick the pace, or the parties yield to more combative leadership in future.
Tuesday, March 04, 2008
Annual conferences are a time for parties to congratulate themselves, but there was no doubting a sense of unease at Sinn Fein's first Ard Fheis since devolution and the setback of last year's Dail election. Hopes of sharing power, north and south, have been thwarted, so concessions had to be made to old guard republicanism.
That is the only explanation for Gerry Adams's announcement of a task force to "drive forward" a new "roadmap to a united Ireland", in the run-up to the centenary of the Easter Rising in 2016. He is tryinh to unite the various republican factions in a common ideal, away from the realities, but it would be surprising if anyone was fooled.
In fact, the dream of a 32-county socialist republic is further away than ever, rejected by the southern electorate and substituted by a power-sharing deal with the DUP, under British rule. Yet Mr Adams feels he has to pretend that " many unionists" now accept that an end to British engagement in Irish affairs "may be no bad thing".
If his reasoning is based on the DUP's participation in north-south council meetings, and all shades of opinion lobbying for the adoption of Ireland's 12.5% corporation tax, he is sadly mistaken. As a DUP spokesman quickly pointed out, unionists have a virtual veto on cross-border arrangements, which must have mutual benefits, and they only argue for tax concessions because of the severity of competition from the Republic.
No-one complains that relations with Dublin are too close, or that the Republic's investment in our roads or peace initiatives should be rejected. Visits by the Irish President, and ministers, have become commonplace, helping to balance unionist and nationalist interests, but this is a long way from saying that a referendum, north or south, would show a significant swing towards Irish unity.
Mr Adams has to be aware of the dissenters in his ranks, openly asking what Sinn Fein has gained, in terms of reducing the British presence, from participating in Stormont devolution. The same powers of persuasion that he used to obtain IRA decommissioning and support for the police are still needed, but he must be wary of raising unionist fears.
The DUP are under the same kind of pressures from their backwoodsmen, critical of the over-friendly Paisley-McGuinness relationship and Sinn Fein's influence on matters like education. There is a delicate balance to be maintained between very different political interests but, in general, it has survived its first testing year.
The real challenge is to come, as big decisions are called for on local government reform, academic selection, Irish language and water tax. Much will depend on whether Ian Paisley can stick the pace, or the parties yield to more combative leadership in future.
