Chesney

[Wasp]

I have debated this several times on here and eachtime I was asked for proof, I received denial because the RC Church hated the ira etc etc and usually was hit with the old dogs on the street remarks. Well I clearly stand as being correct in all what I had said, most if not all of what I said has come out and I wander how all those who were very quick to defend this scumbag feel now.

Claudy bomb: conspiracy allowed IRA priest to go free
The report said police believed Fr James Chesney was an IRA leader and was involved in the bombing The police, the Catholic Church and the state conspired to cover up a priest's suspected role in one of the worst atrocities of the Northern Ireland Troubles, an investigation has found.

Nine people died in bombings in Claudy, County Londonderry on 31 July 1972.

The NI Police Ombudsman's probe found that high-level talks led to Fr James Chesney, a suspect in the attack, being moved to the Irish Republic.

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Ombudsman's Report
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No action was ever taken against Fr Chesney, who died in 1980.

Northern Ireland Secretary Owen Paterson said that the government was "profoundly sorry" that Fr Chesney had not been properly investigated.

In 2002, the Ombudsman, Al Hutchinson, began a probe into the original investigation.

His report, published on Tuesday, found that detectives in 1972 had concluded that Fr Chesney was an IRA leader and had been involved in the bombing.

He added that by acquiescing to a deal between the government and the Catholic Church to move Fr Chesney to a parish in the Irish republic, the Royal Ulster Constabulary was guilty of a "collusive act".

He said this had compromised the investigation and the decision "failed those who were murdered, injured or bereaved" in the bombing.

Continue reading the main story
Claudy BombingClaudy bomb conspiracy revealed
Claudy probe findings at a glance
Did priest get away with murder?
Reaction to Claudy bomb report
He said that if officers involved were still alive, "their actions would have demanded explanation, which would have been the subject of further investigation".

As well as investigating complaints made against the Police Service of NI, the Police Ombudsman also has the authority to look at investigations carried out by their predecessors, the RUC.

'Never arrested'

Mr Hutchinson said some detectives' attempts to pursue Fr Chesney were frustrated ahead of a meeting between Northern Ireland Secretary William Whitelaw and the leader of Ireland's Catholics, Cardinal Conway.

There, it was agreed that the priest would be moved to a parish in Donegal, just over the border in the Irish Republic.

The Ombudsman found that the Chief Constable, Sir Graham Shillington, was made aware of this decision.

Mr Shillington said he would "prefer a move to Tipperary". Tipperary is about 200 miles from the border.

Fr Chesney, who denied involvement in terrorist activities to his superiors, was never arrested.

On Tuesday the head of the Catholic Church in Ireland, Cardinal Sean Brady, said the church was not involved in a cover up over the role of Fr Chesney.

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Claudy bombings

Claudy is a small village, with a mixed Protestant and Catholic population, six miles south-east of Londonderry
Nine people were killed in the three blasts, which happened on 31 July 1972
No warnings were given by the bombers
The IRA never claimed involvement, but were assumed to be behind them
Local priest Father James Chesney rumoured to have been a member of the IRA unit responsible
He was transferred by the Catholic Church across the border to Co Donegal
He died in 1980 without ever being questioned by the police over the atrocity
"The Church was approached by the secretary of state at the instigation of senior members of the RUC," he said.

"Furthermore, the Church subsequently reported back to the secretary of state the outcome of its questioning of Fr Chesney into his alleged activities.

"The actions of Cardinal Conway or any other Church authority did not prevent the possibility of future arrest and questioning of Fr Chesney."

Sinn Fein, the political party closely indentified with the IRA, said the deaths in Claudy were "wrong and should not have happened." The party repeated its call for an independent international truth commission.

BBC Ireland correspondent Mark Simpson said that the report lacks any explanation from Cardinal Conway or Mr Whitelaw about how they came to their decision to move Chesney.

"As both are now dead, we can only speculate as to their motives," our correspondent added.

"The most generous theory is that they felt that protecting the priest was the lesser of two evils.

"During that turbulent period in 1972, many believed that Northern Ireland was on the brink of a sectarian civil war. Almost 500 people were killed that year.

"If a priest had been arrested in connection with the Claudy bomb, it could have pushed community relations over the edge."

Both Protestants and Catholics were killed in the blasts.

The youngest victim was eight-year-old Kathryn Eakin who was cleaning the windows of her family's grocery store when the first bomb exploded.

The other people killed were Joseph McCluskey 39, David Miller aged 60, James McClelland 65, William Temple 16, Elizabeth McElhinney 59, Rose McLaughlin aged 51, Patrick Connolly, 15, and 38-year-old Arthur Hone.

Mr Hutchinson said that he accepted some of the decisions taken "must be considered in the context of the time" but added that the conspiracy still amounted to collusion.

"I accept that 1972 was one of the worst years of the Troubles and that the arrest of a priest might well have aggravated the security situation.

"Equally I consider that the police failure to investigate someone they suspected of involvement in acts of terrorism could, in itself, have had serious consequences."

He said he had found no evidence of criminal intent by anyone in the government or the Catholic Church.

[Wasp]

Claudy bomb: A priest who got away with murder
Mark Simpson By Mark Simpson BBC Ireland Correspondent
Father James Chesney Fr Chesney, who died in 1980, was never questioned by police

Secret files from 1972 show that parish priest James Chesney was, in effect, Father Untouchable.

Extracts from the state documents in the report by the NI Police Ombudsman confirm that even traces of explosives found in his car were not enough to get him arrested.

Intelligence information not only linked him to the Claudy bombing in which nine people died, it also indicated that he was the "quarter master and director of operations of the south Derry Provisional IRA".

So why was he never questioned?

Why was he allowed to move away from Northern Ireland?

And why was he allowed to make trips back across the border without being arrested?

The 26-page report does not fully answer any of those questions. It deals with the how, rather than the why.
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Claudy Bombing



He was able to do it because of a secret agreement between the Catholic Cardinal William Conway and the then Northern Ireland Secretary Willie Whitelaw.

Nowhere in the report is there any explanation from either man as to why exactly they came to this arrangement. And as both are now dead, we can only speculate as to their motives.

The most generous theory is that they felt that protecting the priest was the lesser of two evils.

During that turbulent period in 1972, many believed that Northern Ireland was on the brink of a sectarian civil war. Almost 500 people were killed that year.

If a priest had been arrested in connection with the Claudy bomb, it could have pushed community relations over the edge.

Loyalist paramilitaries may have used it as an excuse for more attacks on Catholics. The IRA would have retaliated and turmoil would have ensued.

A bad situation could have been made worse.
Flawed investigation

This appears to have been the view of at least one police officer at the time.

Described in the Ombudsman's report as a detective inspector, the un-named officer wrote six months after the bomb: "Before we take on ourselves (sic) to arrest a clergyman for interrogation... we would need to be prepared to face unprecedented pressure."

But, interestingly he adds: "Having regard to what this man (Fr Chesney) has done, I myself would be prepared to meet this challenge head on."

It seems the police hierarchy did not share this view as there is no record of the priest ever being questioned.

This is in spite of the fact that even after being moved by the Catholic Church from County Derry in Northern Ireland to County Donegal in the Irish Republic, police discovered that he "regularly travelled across the border".
Nine people were killed as three bombs exploded in Claudy Nine people were killed as three bombs exploded in Claudy

For the families of the nine people who died in Claudy, it will be difficult - if not impossible - to see how the protection of Fr Chesney was the right decision.

The role of the police is to investigate crime and not to be influenced by political pressure.

The findings of the Ombudsman will not come as a great surprise. The police themselves admitted it was a flawed investigation in 2002.

What has emerged is simply more detail about the mistakes that were made.

The sudden death of Fr Chesney in 1980 means he is not able to defend himself. The failure to arrest him meant he never got a chance to tell his side of the story.

Although the police had a huge file of intelligence information linking him to terrorism, they did not seem to have much hard evidence.

However, for most people in Claudy, Fr Chesney will be forever remembered as the priest who got away with murder.

[Jim]

I read about it today in the Irish news.

I don't know a whole lot about it, and as you know I'm more anti church than big Paisley himself. I'd say its right that most priests didnt have much time for the IRA, and if you want to use history, the church in the past was very harsh in its treatment of IRA members, particularly around the time of the civil war and war of independence. Ofcourse, some priests will be the exception, just as not all priests bugger wee boys yet if you read the papers you'd think they all do.

[Wasp]

Jim not once did I ever accuse all priests of being terrorists or child abusers, I was scornded on here and ridiculed because of what I said about chesney, setanta being one of the main culprits but then again his party boss still denies being in the ira so what do you expect. Hopefully more will come out about chesney and why Willie whitewash who was also a RC did the dirt on the innocent victims because it was a well known terrorist priest that was involved.

[Jim]

Nah but some comments on the internet I've seen have, mainly facebook.

[Wasp]

It would be foolish for anyone to suggest all priests are like that, I personally know a few and one in particular is the salt of the earth. But as well as those priests who are the opposite of the priest I know I believe many of the senior elements within the RCC at home and abroad are rotten to the core.

[collina]

Aug 26, 2010 13:40:13 GMT Wasp said:

It would be foolish for anyone to suggest all priests are like that, I personally know a few and one in particular is the salt of the earth. But as well as those priests who are the opposite of the priest I know I believe many of the senior elements within the RCC at home and abroad are rotten to the core.

Agree entirely

[Wasp]

Claudy bombing: Priest carried on as an active IRA man -- even after transfer

By Anita Guidera

Wednesday, 25 August 2010

A Catholic priest suspected of involvement in a car bomb attack in a Co Londonderry village in which nine people were killed continued his IRA activities after he had been moved across the Border to Co Donegal, it emerged yesterday.

Despite "significant" police intelligence indicating that Fr James Chesney was responsible for the triple bomb attack in Claudy in July 1972, the priest was never questioned by police on either side of the Border before his death from cancer in 1980 at the age of 46.


Yesterday, senior church figures insisted that the Catholic Church did not cover up the bomb atrocity by moving the rogue priest out of Northern Ireland.


All-Ireland Primate Cardinal Sean Brady said Fr Chesney should have been investigated during his lifetime. He said the church found itself in an "impossible situation".


"He (Fr Chesney) was at all times amenable to the authorities if they wanted to arrest him," said Cardinal Brady, adding: "The Catholic Church did not engage in a cover-up."


The Police Ombudsman's report, 38 years after the atrocity, revealed that senior police officers conspired with the British government and the church to protect the priest.


Relatives of the victims, which included an eight-year-old girl, reacted in shock to revelations by Ombudsman Al Hutchinson that the priest continued his "IRA activities" in Co Donegal following the attack.


Mr Hutchinson said: "The key point to remember here is that the course of action chosen deprived the families -- and Fr Chesney -- the right to a rule-of-law process.


"So while intelligence speculated that he was doing certain things, it was never turned into evidence."


Asked if "certain things" meant IRA activities, he replied: "Absolutely".


Tracey Deans, a grand-niece of bomb victim James McClelland (65), described the revelation as "an absolute outrage".


She said: "If he (Fr Chesney) had been arrested and due process had taken place, lives might have been saved. I would like to know how many other people suffered, how many other people died because of him after Claudy."


Reacting to the report, Northern Ireland Secretary Owen Patterson said the British government was "profoundly sorry" that Fr Chesney had not been properly investigated.


Bereaved relatives are now calling for the 26-page-report to be used as a springboard for a full investigation.


Among the more damning revelations was information that explosive traces had been found in the boot of Fr Chesney's car when he was stopped at an RUC checkpoint in September 1972.


The priest also provided an alibi for an unnamed member of the IRA whose car had been seen in Claudy earlier on the day of the triple attack.


In one police report, the priest was described as "a high-ranking member of the County Derry brigade of the IRA".


Fr Chesney was transferred first to east Donegal and later to Malin Head, following secret talks between then secretary of state William Whitelaw and the head of the Catholic Church in Ireland, Cardinal William Conway.


The two men discussed the scandal after they had been approached by senior RUC officer, who appeared reluctant to arrest the priest because of fears of inflaming what was already a tense situation.


Speaking yesterday, the former Bishop of Derry, Dr Edward Daly, who interviewed Fr Chesney twice, said the priest had assured him he was not involved in the bombings.


He appealed to people who knew the truth to come forward. The Ombudsman also appealed for new information, saying he believed the church had provided all relevant information about Fr Chesney.

[Wasp]

Ex-officer says RUC chiefs prevented Fr Chesney arrest
Fr James Chesney The report said police believed Fr James Chesney was an IRA leader and was involved in the bombing

A former police officer who investigated Father Chesney in 1972 has told the BBC he was prevented from arresting him by senior RUC officers.

Fr Chesney, who died in 1980, was named in the Police Ombudsman's report into the Claudy bombing.

The Special Branch detective said they were within 15 minutes of launching an operation to search Father Chesney's house.

They were told not to proceed, because "the matter was under control".

Three no-warning bombs exploded in the County Londonderry village on 31 July 1972.

It later transpired that talks between the Catholic Church, the police and the government led to Fr Chesney being moved to a parish in Donegal.

The Police Ombudsman's report confirmed that detectives believed Fr James Chesney was involved in the Claudy bombing which killed nine people.
However, former IRA explosives officer Shane Paul O'Doherty, who was active in the Derry-Donegal area in the early and mid-70s, said he had never heard anyone mention the priest's name at the time.

Mr O'Doherty, who served 14 years in jail in England for his involvement in a letter-bomb campaign, told the Irish News that "journalists appeared to have mistaken intelligence reports for hard evidence".

The police officer was interviewed by the ombudsman's investigative team for its Claudy report, and the ombudsman later wrote to inform him he would be referring to his evidence in his findings.

Police Ombudsman Al Hutchinson found that after talks between the then Catholic Primate Cardinal William Conway, and Secretary of State William Whitelaw, Fr Chesney was moved to a parish in the Irish Republic.

No action was ever taken against Fr Chesney, who detectives believed was the IRA's 'director of operations' in south County Derry.

He died of cancer in 1980 aged 46.

The former detective, who did not want his name used but who was close to the investigation, said the RUC team investigating the bombing would have had no involvement in any decision not to question Fr Chesney.

The retired detective said the decision to leave the priest alone was made at a senior level.

"The decision not to pursue Mr Chesney was not taken at a low level, it was not made by those who were investigating this or were any way associated with it," he told the BBC on Wednesday.

"This was not a decision by the RUC in general, this was not a decision by the detective inspector who was leading the investigation and those who were working with him.

"This was a decision made above - way above - the investigating team."

Shane Paul O'Doherty, who cut his links with the IRA while in prison in England, said: "It is extraordinary that the ombudsman's report into the Claudy bombing pours judgment upon the late Fr Chesney and then asks for witnesses to come forward wtih evidence to support its case.

"Would this be putting the hanging before the trial?"

[Wasp]

In Londonderry in 1970/71 a young Catholic girl fell pregnant outside of wedlock. The family were embarrassed and had the girl sent to ‘The Good Shepherd’ home run by the Sisters of Mercy.

This delightful dwelling place was within the diocese of Bishop Neil Farren (Deceased) who in 1970 would hold responsibility for the oversight of newly ordained priest Father Denis Bradley.

While staying at the Good Shepherd convent the young pregnant girl under sinister circumstances fell down some steep stone steps within the confines and was seriously injured. The Sisters of Mercy thought it best to confine the young girl to her bed rather than have an ambulance called for to take her to hospital where she could receive the vital medical care she so desperately required. The young girl died. To date her family still do not know if she ever received the ‘Last Rites’ nor were they invited to her funeral.

What transpired was this.

A local priest was called to the convent to be asked what should be done. He contacted Bishop Neil Farren, who travelled to the scene with the head of the RUC in Derry at the time, Superintendent Frank Lagan, described once by British Intelligence memos as a “reluctant officer and apparently a Catholic.”

As mentioned earlier, the death of the young girl was quickly addressed by a discreet burial, to which none of her family was invited. There was no investigation around the circumstances of her death. In other words these three, a local priest, Farren and Lagan, along with their partners in crime, the hierarchy within the Good Shepherd convent, conspired together and covered up the killing of the young girl and subsequently her unborn child.

In 1972 in County Londonderry three car bombs were placed at intervals along Claudy town's High Street, which was busy with shoppers at the time of the attack. The attack killed six people immediately, with three later dying from their injuries. A young girl and two teenage boys were among the dead. Five of the victims were Catholic, and four were Protestant.

These bombs had been prepared at the house of ‘Bomber Blue’ in Bellaghy, County Londonderry, about five miles from Magherafelt. The deadly cargo was loaded and driven to Desertmartin village and left overnight at the local GAA club. (Gaelic Athletic Association) The next morning the bombs were driven to Claudy by three men one of whom was local parish priest Father James Chesney (Deceased) who was later accused of being the leader of the Claudy attack and was himself a member of the South Derry Brigade of the Provisional IRA. Father Chesney did drive to Dungiven to give a warning about the bombs but the PIRA had earlier taken out the telephone system, thus no warning could be given.

This information came to light after an IRA man contacted Ivan Cooper Member of the Parliament of Northern Ireland, and founding member of the SDLP. He related everything about the Claudy bombing and who was involved. The IRA man then went to Maghera RUC Station and confessed what he had told Ivan Cooper. Superintendent Frank Lagan was called to investigate the claims made.

At the same time British Intelligence sources were operating throughout County Londonderry as ‘Operation Motorman’ was underway to re-establish control of areas that had become ‘no go areas,’ and their information told them that if the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) were made aware a parish priest was involved in the Claudy atrocity they (UDA) would consider all Catholic priests ‘legitimate targets’ and UDA leaders would issue orders to their personnel to eliminate such without conscience. This could not be allowed to happen and so the British Prime Minister Edward Heath ordered William Whitelaw Secretary of State for Northern Ireland to find a solution to the difficulty.

Having been made aware that a local priest, Farren and Lagan had earlier covered up the suspicious death of the young girl at the Good Shepherd convent, they were called upon along with Cardinal William Conway (Archbishop of Armagh & Primate of All Ireland) to lend their services to help prevent the loyalist massacre of priests.

Superintendent Frank Lagan contacted Father Denis Bradley as he was known as the official ‘go-between’ for the Catholic Church and the PIRA in Londonderry as Superintendent Lagan had on numerous occasions got Father Denis Bradley to contact the PIRA about his officers being targeted. Now Bradley would become the ‘go-between’ for the RUC and the PIRA. He made contact with Martin McGuinness (currently Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland) who in turn immediately contacted Sean Mac-Stiofain (born John Edward Drayton Stephenson) the then Chief of Staff of the Provisional IRA.

Meetings were organised and took place in Donegal and were attended by Northern Ireland Office representatives and Martin McGuinness (who would eventually take over command of the PIRA in Derry.) Martin McGuinness was afforded free passage to and from the meetings as RUC officers and British Army patrols were ordered ‘not to stop his vehicle.’

One outcome of these secret meetings was the PIRA would not claim responsibility for the Claudy attack and the British government would also say there was ‘no intelligence suggesting IRA involvement.’ One week after these meetings took place William Whitelaw met with Cardinal Conway to discuss the Claudy bombings at which Whitelaw demanded from the Catholic leader that the British government in future could request any priest or bishop could be moved from a particular diocese. Cardinal Conway agreed!

One week after the meeting investigations into the Claudy atrocity were closed.
Shortly after this Father James Chesney was moved to a new parish in Muff, County Donegal and Father Denis Bradley felt a ‘strong urge’ having met a woman, to leave the priesthood. Within only a short period William Whitelaw, Cardinal William Conway, Superintendent Frank Lagan and Bishop Farren all retired or withdrew from public life and duties due to illness.

The Consultative Group on the Past which includes Bishop Robin Eames and former (Father) Denis Bradley was established to consult across the community in Northern Ireland on the best way to deal with the legacy of the Troubles, ‘and to make recommendations, as appropriate, on any steps that might be taken to support Northern Ireland society in building a shared future that is not overshadowed by the events of the past.’

For the sake of the memory of the young pregnant Catholic girl killed in the Good Shepherd convent, whose death was covered up by Denis Bradley and his cohorts, and for her family; for the sake of the families who suffered terribly as a result of the Claudy bombings, should not certain members of the Consultative Group on the Past be consulted about their particular roles in these events?